dilluns, 4 de novembre de 2019

Adam Harvey. La Contra de La Vanguardia

https://www.lavanguardia.com/lacontra/20191101/471308711594/sus-selfies-de-hoy-son-el-control-policial-de-manana.html

Adam Harvey.

LA CONTRA (Lluís Amiguet) 01/11/2019
La Vanguardia

(...)

Podría identificarme, en cualquier caso, quien no quiero cuando no quiero.

Existe la posibilidad, además, de que tomen la foto de usted y la amplíen hasta poder identificarle por el iris, que es más fiable incluso que el reconocimiento facial.

No nos asuste más todavía.

Pues esa es la tendencia biométrica: lo que llamamos biométrica multimodelo.

¿Cómo funciona?

Para reforzar la fiabilidad de la identificación por inteligencia artificial, el reconocimiento facial se puede completar a distancia con otras medidas biométricas e incluso con sensores que midan frecuencia cardíaca y respiratoria.

Tampoco suena tranquilizador.

Google ha estado ofreciendo tarjetas de regalo de 5 dólares a quien se dejara tomar medidas biométricas en calle.

¿Y la gente accede?

Demuestra lo desesperados que están por intentar apropiarse de miles de imágenes para hacer más efectivo su reconocimiento facial computerizado y su inteligencia artificial, que les daría un poder enorme. Pero su pregunta es muy europea.

¿Por qué?

Porque los americanos confían más en las empresas, incluidas las grandes corporaciones, que en el Estado y, en cambio, los europeos confían más en sus estados que en las empresas privadas. Por eso no hay una reacción pública masiva aún contra la recolección masiva de nuestros rostros.

¿Cómo logran incrementar sus bancos de datos con millones de caras?

¿Se ha preguntado por qué la selfie es una tendencia cultural? ¿Por qué Instagram, Facebook y otras plataformas con fotos son tan populares? ¿Por qué nos regalan la experiencia de ser fotografiado y almacenar las fotos?

¿...?

Las grandes plataformas consiguen millones de caras gamificando (convirtiendo en un juego divertido) las fotos que colgamos en ese tipo de aplicaciones. Lo investigo e intento denunciarlo ante la opinión pública en la prensa y también con obras de arte que nos hagan reflexionar.

¿Qué me recomienda para evitarlo?

Sus divertidas selfies de hoy son las que nutrirán de datos la inteligencia artificial del control policial del mañana. O de otro país. Por eso me contactó una agencia norteamericana de tres letras.

(...)

dissabte, 2 de novembre de 2019

Sumisión de Michel Houellebecq

Sumisión de Michel Houellebecq
Título original: Soumission
Año: 2015
Traducción de Joan Riambau
Anagrama. Colección compactos nº 731
Segunda edición marzo 2019
281 páginas.

Para leer en un par de tardes y eso que se pone un poquito plasta con el tal Huysmans.

Sugerencia de puntuación: La Delouze, atacó en el momento (página 32)

Momentos destacables:

La miré estupefacto: era la primera vez en diez años que me cruzaba con ella y me daba cuenta de que había sido una mujer, e incluso en cierto sentido que aún lo era, y que un hombre, un día, pudo sentir deseo hacia esa criatura encogida y rechoncha, casi batracia. (76)

Vestidas de día con impenetrables burkas negros, las ricas saudíes se transformaban de noche en aves del paraíso, se emperifollaban con corpiños, sujetadores calados y tangas engalanados con puntillas multicolores y pedrería; exactamente a la inversa que las occidentales, elegantes y sensuales durante el día porque estaba en juego su estatus social y que se marchitaban de noche al volver a sus casas, abdicando agotadas de cualquier perspectiva de seducción, vistiéndose con ropa informal y holgada. (88) 

Mi cuerpo era la sede de diversas afecciones dolorosas —migrañas, enfermedades de la piel, dolor de muelas, hemorroides— que se sucedían sin interrupción, sin dejarme prácticamente nunca en paz, ¡y solo tenía cuarenta y cuatro años! ¿Cómo sería cuando tuviera cincuenta, sesenta o más…? Entonces no sería más que una yuxtaposición de órganos en lenta descomposición, y mi vida se convertiría en una incesante tortura, monótona y sin alegría, mezquina. (95)

Reflexionando acerca de ello me di cuenta de que no sabía nada acerca de la cuestión, y en el momento en que acabó la rueda de prensa comprendí que había llegado allí adonde el candidato musulmán quería llevarme: una especie de duda generalizada, la sensación de que allí no había nada de que alarmarse, ni nada verdaderamente nuevo (105)

Dejando atras la referencia banal a Jules Ferry, se remontó hasta Condorcet, de quien citó el memorable discurso de 1792 ante la Asamblea legislativa, donde evoca a los egipcios y los indios «entre los que tanto progresó la mente humana y que cayeron de nuevo en el embrutecimiento de la más vergonzosa ignorancia cuando el poder religioso se apoderó del derecho a instruir a los hombres». (106)

Concluyó su discurso citando un artículo de la Declaración de los Derechos del Hombre y del Ciudadano, la de 1793: «Cuando el gobierno viola los derechos del pueblo, la insurrección es, para el pueblo y para cada porción del pueblo, el derecho más sagrado y el deber más indispensable.» (110-111)

Continuaba desconcertándome, y repugnándome un poco, que la historia política pudiera desempeñar un papel en mi propia vida. (111-112)

La región estaba habitada desde los tiempos remotos de la prehistoria, averigüé en un panel de información pedagógica; el hombre de Cromañón expulsó progresivamente al hombre de Neandertal, que se replegó hacia España y luego desapareció.(127)

«Una inmensa aversión hacia el viaje y una imperiosa necesidad de permanecer tranquilo se imponían...» (131)

Contrariamente a su antiguo rival Tarik ramadán, lastrado por sus simpatías trotskistas, Ben Abbes siempre había evitado comprometerse con la izquierda anticapitalista; había comprendido perfectamente que la derecha liberal había ganado la «batalla de las ideas», los jóvenes se habían vuelto emprendedores y el carácter insoslayable de la economía de mercado estaba ya unánimemente aceptado. (144)

Recordaba una discusión que mantuve, años atrás, con un profesor de historia de la Sorbona. Al principio de la Edad Media, me explicó, la cuestión del juicio individual casi no se planteaba; fue mucho más tarde, con El Bosco, por ejemplo, cuando aparecieron esas terroríficas representaciones en las que Cristo separa a la cohorte de los elegidos de la legión de los condenados; en las que unos diablos arrastran a los pecadores que no se han arrepentido hacia los suplicios del infierno. La visión románica era diferente, mucho más unanimista: a su muerte el creyente entraba en un estado de sueño profundo, y se mezclaba con la tierra. Una vez cumplidas todas las profecías, en la hora del segundo advenimiento de Cristo, era el pueblo cristiano entero, unido y solidario, el que se alzaba de la tumba, resucitado en su cuerpo glorioso, para encaminarse al paraíso. El juicio moral, el juicio individual, la individualidad en sí misma no eran nociones comprendidas claramente por los hombres del románico, (...) (156)

Todas esas reformas tenían como objetivo «devolver su justo lugar y toda su dignidad a la familia, célula de base de nuestra sociedad», declararon el nuevo presidente de la república y su primer ministro en una extraña alocución común en la que Ben Abbes adoptó unos acentos casi místicos mientras François Bayrou, con el rostro aureolado con una amplia sonrisa beatífica, desempeñaba el papel de «Juan Salchicha», el Hanswurst de las antiguas pantomimas alemanas, que repite de forma exagerada –y un poco grotesca– lo que acaba de decir el personaje principal. (188-189)

Mi cuerpo, que ya no podía ser fuente de placer, seguía siendo una fuente plausible de sufrimientos (...) (194)

Me di cuenta en el momento en que lo decía que no sólo lo pensaba sino que lo deseaba, que formaba parte de esa gente tan poco numerosa que se alegran a priori de la felicidad de sus semejantes, en resumidas cuentas era lo que se llama un buen hombre. (200)

Guénon era ante todo una mente científica, y eligió el islam como científico, por economía de conceptos; y para evitar, también, ciertas creencias irracionales marginales, como la presencia real en la Eucaristía), era el islam, pues, el que hoy había tomado el relevo. (259)

(...) no sólo el sexo nunca tuvo para Huysmans la importancia que le atribuía, sino que tampoco la tuvo la muerte, las angustias existenciales no eran lo suyo, lo que tanto le impresionó en la célebre crucifixión de Grünewald no era la representación de la agonía de Cristo sino puramente su sufrimiento físico, y en eso Huysmans también era exactamente como los demás hombres, su propia muerte suele serles bastante indiferente, su única preocupación real, su verdadero quebradero de cabeza, es evitar en la medida de lo posible el sufrimiento físico. (264)

diumenge, 29 de setembre de 2019

West Papua witnesses recount horror of police shootings by Kate Lamb

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/28/i-feel-like-im-dying-west-papua-witnesses-unrest-indonesia-police

Kate Lamb in Jakarta, Marni Cordell and Ben Doherty Sat 28 Sep 2019 01.22 BST

'I feel like I'm dying': West Papua witnesses recount horror of police shootings
Number of dead may be higher than official death toll and unrest in Wamena may have claimed as many as 41 lives

Witnesses to Monday’s deadly riots in West Papua claim Indonesian police gunned down Papuan students in the street during the unrest, and say Wamena has since become a militarised ghost town.

(…)
With internet services blocked and phone lines initially down and subsequently disrupted, it has been difficult to obtain a full picture of the horror that unfolded in Wamena on Monday, which Amnesty International has described as “one of the bloodiest days in Papua in 20 years”.

Sources on the ground say police and military are guarding the Wamena hospital, effectively blocking access to anyone who tries to independently verify the number of fatalities. Some Papuans have also retrieved victims and bodies directly from the street. Because of this, the real death toll is unknown, but could be as high as 41.

The Guardian has been provided with a list of 65 names of Papuans said to be at Wamena hospital suffering gunshot wounds and “injuries from sharp weapons”.

(…)
In the days since the deadly violence, there has been a strong army presence on the streets of Wamena, and shops, schools and gas stations have been closed. Meanwhile, thousands of migrants have fled, some boarding military flights to Jayapura, while indigenous Papuans have returned to villages on the outskirts of town.

After the riot, thousands sought refuge in churches and in police and military buildings, as parts of the town were torched and covered in towering plumes of smoke. The regent’s office was burned to the ground. Houses, shops, cars and the market were also set on fire.

At least four sources told the Guardian that “migrants” (non-indigenous Papuans), who dominate economic life in Wamena, are now walking the streets carrying machetes and iron sticks.

One source told the Guardian that “people in Wamena are afraid to go out”. The source said the shutdown of the internet and other modes of communication had exacerbated people’s fears of further violence and fuelled “ugly rumours” circulating the city.

“The settlers [migrants] are guarding their houses with machetes in their hands, and the Papuans are traumatised, and they don’t know what’s going to happen.”

“Thousands of migrants are fleeing the city, they want to be evacuated and they are being facilitated by the government, but Papuans are also terrified. They are thinking, ‘if the government is so quick to help settlers leave, what is being planned after that?’ There is currently that uncertainty.”

A leaked police memo, sent from the Papua police chief to his deputy and other officials, urges police and military to prepare weapons and ammunition “where they can be easily accessed” and warns non-Papuans to be vigilant and “stay temporarily in a safe place”.

(…)
Monday’s riot has for the second time painfully revealed how inflammable structural racism has become in West Papua, fuelling not just protests but a movement for independence from Indonesia.

“Papuan students are tired of racism and want to stand up for themselves,” Linus Hiluka, a former political prisoner who lives in Wamena, told the Guardian.

“They want their own story.”

“Courtesy of Guardian News & Media Ltd”




Tot esperant que surtin imatges de Papua i diguin que són de l'Eixample.


Lorena Roldán diu que a Barcelona "hi ha persones amb catanes" a plena llum del dia

"Estem veient com els ciutadans de Barcelona tenen por de sortir al carrer. Estem veient fins i tot imatges a plena llum del dia de persones que van amb catanes i comenten il·legalitats."






diumenge, 1 de setembre de 2019

Problema de la pujada i baixada de brillantor en Windows 10 Home amb HP

Problema de la pujada i baixada de brillantor en Windows 10 Home amb HP

Icona de Windows (part inferior esquerra de la pantalla)
Icona de Configuració (roda dentada)
Sistema
Inicio/apagado y suspensión
A la dreta de la pantalla pulseu Configuración adicional de energía
Apareix la finestra Opciones de energía
Pulseu sobre Cambiar la configuración del plan que tingueu activat
Igualeu els dos valors de "Ajustar brillo de la pantalla" de bateria i corrent alterna


El problema es que l'ordinador canvia automàticament, cada pocs segons, del mode bateria al de corrent alterna. Si el valor en els dos casos és el mateix no notareu el canvi.

Una altra opció és treballar amb corrent sense la bateria o amb bateria sense la corrent.

Problema de la subida y bajada del brillo en Windows 10 Home con HP.
Brightness problem in Windows 10 Home over HP.

divendres, 30 d’agost de 2019

Papua protests: capital Jayapura burns during night of violence



Unrest: Disturbis / Disturbios
Racial slurs: Insults racials / Insultos raciales
Have set buildings ablaze: Han calat foc a edificis / Han incendiado edificios
Have been rack: Ha estat sacsejada / Ha sido sacudida
The unity of the Republic of Indonesia is final: La unitat de la República d’Indonèsia és definitive. La unidad de la República de Indonesia es definitiva

Papua protests: capital Jayapura burns during night of violence
Indonesian president calls for calm after more than 1,000 protesters take to streets amid unrest over racial slurs and calls for independence

Reuters Fri 30 Aug 2019 03.27 BST

Courtesy of Guardian News & Media Ltd

Protesters in Indonesia’s easternmost region of Papua have set buildings ablaze in the provincial capital Jayapura, forcing the state power firm to cut off electricity in some districts, state media and an executive of the utility said.

Police fired tear gas to disperse demonstrators who also set fire to cars and threw stones at shops and offices on Thursday, state news agency Antara said. Protesters also torched a local parliament office. “Several public facilities and properties were damaged by rioters,” national police spokesman Dedi Prasetyo said.

In the wake of Thursday’s unrest, Papuan independence leader Benny Wenda called for UN to act on the crisis, the result of related protests about racism, discrimination and calls for independence. “Indonesian security services may turn it into a bloodbath,” Wenda said, referring to the 1991 Santa Cruz massacre in which hundreds of mourners at a funeral were shot by Indonesian forces.

The region has been racked by civil unrest for two weeks over reports of racial and ethnic discrimination. Some protesters are also demanding an independence vote – a move ruled out by the security minister on Thursday.

Indonesian president Joko Widodo called for calm on Thursday evening, telling reporters he had ordered “firm action against anarchist and racist actions”. He promised to further develop Papua.

During the riot in Jayapura, the protesters torched a building housing the offices of state-controlled telecoms firm Telekomunikasi Indonesia. The company said in a statement it could not assess the full damage yet.

The utility company PLN has turned off power in areas around the torched building, said regional director Ahmad Rofik, and state energy firm Pertamina said it had shut several petrol stations in Jayapura because of the protest.

National military spokesman Major General Sisriadi said more than 1,000 people had taken part in the protest.

Police spokesman Prasetyo told broadcaster Kompas TV: “The condition is gradually recovering.” News website Kompas.com said demonstrators had begun to disperse.

Gunfire broke out a day earlier between protesters and police in the town of Deiyai, about 500km (310 miles) from Jayapura.

Police said one soldier and two civilians were killed in the incident, while a separatist group said six had been shot dead. The military dismissed that as a hoax.

Police have deployed 300 mobile brigade personnel to the towns of Deiyai, Paniai and Jayapura after Wednesday’s incident, media quoted police chief Tito Karnavian as saying.

A separatist movement has simmered for decades in Papua, while there have also been frequent complaints of rights abuses by Indonesian security forces.

The spark for the latest unrest was a racist slur against Papuan students, who were hit by tear gas in their dormitory and detained in the city of Surabaya on the main island of Java on 17 August, Indonesia’s Independence Day, for allegedly desecrating a national flag. They were later released without charge.

Papua and West Papua provinces, the resource-rich western part of the island of New Guinea, formed a Dutch colony that was incorporated into Indonesia after a widely criticised UN-backed referendum in 1969.

On Thursday, chief security minister Wiranto said the government would not entertain any demand for an independence vote, according to Kompas.com. “Demands for a referendum, I think, is out of place. Demands for referendum I think must not be mentioned. Why? Because the unity of the Republic of Indonesia is final,” Wiranto was quoted as saying.

The government has cut internet access in the region since last week to stop people sharing “provocative” messages that could trigger more violence.

dimecres, 28 d’agost de 2019

Yondr



Cada dia ho flipo més!


Teenage hangups: the drastic plans to keep high schoolers off their phones
Soon more than 1,000 schools nationwide will be using Yondr, a pouch that students lock their phones in during class

Vivian Ho in San Francisco Wed 28 Aug 2019 06.00 BST

Pouch: bossa / bolsa

Put your cellphone away. Stop texting. Stop using the camera as a mirror. Stop looking at Instagram. They’re the familiar commands of teachers and educators in the age of the smartphone.

Most teenagers today have grown up never knowing a world without smartphones, with the Pew Research Center reporting that 95% of all teens currently have access to or own a smartphone, and 45% are online almost constantly. That leaves educators the daunting challenge of teaching those whose attentions are – at least partially – attached to the devices in their pockets.

Daunting: discouraging

Most schools have put in place policies banning or regulating phone usage during school hours, and teachers now routinely find themselves confiscating devices or writing up students for being on their phones.

Writing up: possant notes / poniendo avisos

Educators are now exploring more drastic measures. This school year, more than 1,000 schools nationwide will be using Yondr, a pouch system that allows students to lock away their phones while they’re in class.

Each morning when students arrive at school, they magnetically lock their devices into their own personal green and gray pouches. They maintain possession of their pouches and devices, but they cannot unlock it until the end of the day, when they tap it on an unlocking magnet station located throughout the school.

The concept is not new. Musicians and performers have been using Yondr to prevent people from filming their gigs since the San Francisco-based company launched in 2014. But in recent years, more and more schools have begun using the pouches to keep kids off their phones during school hours, with dozens in the Bay Area alone. “Demand has tripled this year,” the Yondr spokeswoman Kelly Taylor said.

Allison Silvestri, the former principal of San Lorenzo high school east of San Francisco, implemented the tool three years ago. The results “were tremendous”, she said. The students were paying attention more in class.

The school saw a decrease in referrals for defiance and disrespect. “It was just so powerful to hear students interacting with each other and interacting with adults on campus,” she said.

Edward Huang, 16, was part of a pilot program that tested Yondr at San Mateo high school before launching it this school year. He has mixed feelings about Yondr. He’s noticed a difference in his peers. “People aren’t distracted,” he said. “Even people who were on their phones in minor ways, like checking the time and checking notifications, those minor ways add up and have an effect on how engaged you are. Socially, it has improved us. Even if it’s all of us talking about how much we hate it, having something to hate is a conversation topic.”

But he’s already heard about issues some kids have had because they couldn’t check their phones. Employers have tried to get in touch with students during the day, and couldn’t.

(...)



Courtesy of Guardian News & Media Ltd

dijous, 22 d’agost de 2019

Papua merdeka, itu yang monyet inginkan. West Papua protest by Kate Lamb & Ben Doherty


A hores d’ara, sense cap referència ni a La Vanguardia, ni a El País, ni al Ara, ni al ABC…

West Papua protests: Indonesia deploys 1,000 soldiers to quell unrest, cuts internet
Jakarta cuts online access to Papua ‘and surrounding areas’ until the atmosphere ‘returns to being conducive and normal’
Kate Lamb in Jakarta, and Ben Doherty      Thu 22 Aug 2019 06.57 BST
Deploy: Desplegar
To quell: Calmar
Unrest: Aldarulls / Disturbios
Return to be conducive: Tornin a la normalitat / Vuelvan a la normalidad

Indonesia has deployed more than 1,000 security personnel to West Papua and cut internet access, amid days of violent demonstrations in what activists say are the largest protests to occur in the region in years.

On Wednesday, violent unrest occurred in Fakfak, where a market was set ablaze and street battles erupted between police and protesters.
Ablaze: Cremar / Arder

Waving the banned Morning Star flag, a symbol of West Papuan independence, protesters chanted “we are not red and white”, in reference to the colours of the Indonesian flag.

Police fired tear gas after the crowds set fire to a market and destroyed ATMs and shops, local media reported. The crowd dispersed when riot police fired warning shots. Indonesian media reported police arrested 45 people, including some they accused of masterminding the protests and damaging buildings.
Mastermind: Dirigir, ésser el cervell d’una accció / Dirigir, ser el cerebro de una acción

It followed days of large and violent protests across multiple cities in the region, which is divided into the provinces of Papua and West Papua.

The groundswell of anger that has fuelled the demonstrators was sparked by an incident in the Javanese city of Surabaya on the weekend, where nationalist groups goaded Papuan students with racist taunts, calling them “monkeys”, “pigs” and “dogs”.
Groundswell: Mar de fons / Mar de fondo
Goad: Provocar amb insults / Provocar con insultos

The exiled West Papuan leader, Benny Wenda, said the subsequent arrests of the Papuan students in Surabaya had “lit the bonfire of nearly 60 years of racism, discrimination and torture of the people of West Papua by Indonesia”.

Angered by the racist slurs, Papuans began taking to the streets on Monday, first in Jayapura, from where violent protests have since spread to Manokwari, Fakfak, Timika and, on Thursday morning, Nabire, where demonstrators held signs with messages such as: “Papua merdeka, itu yang monyet inginkan,” or “Free Papua, this is what the monkeys want.”
Slur: Insult / Insulto


(Per fer-nos una idea de les dimensions, la distància entre Jakarta i Jayapura és la mateixa que hi ha entre Badajoz i Moscou.)

As an additional 1,000 military and police troops were sent in, Indonesia’s communications ministry announced on Wednesday that internet access would be temporarily blocked in Papua and its “surrounding areas” to “accelerate the process of restoring security”.

It followed days of an internet slowdown, and will last “until the atmosphere of Papua returns to being conducive and normal”, the ministry said.

Also on Wednesday, 5,000 people rallied in and around the city of Timika, the closest town to the massive Freeport gold and copper mine, where demonstrators reportedly threw rocks at the local parliament building and tried to tear down its fence.

Hundreds also marched through the streets of Sorong city, where protesters destroyed parts of an airport and about 250 inmates escaped in a prison break on Monday, according to West Papua’s police chief, Herry Rudolf Nahak.

Indonesia’s chief security minister, Wiranto, who goes by one name, headed to Papua late on Wednesday in a bid to quell tensions, while President Joko Widodo was scheduled to visit next week.

Activists criticised the internet blackout, saying it would make it difficult to verify facts and ensure people’s safety, in an area where access by foreign journalists is already restricted. For days, photos and videos posted on social media have provided a rare glimpse at the extent of the unrest. (…)


“Courtesy of Guardian News & Media Ltd”.